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Snuffysmith
Op-Ed / News Analysis

Target: Pakistan - Wall Street Journal editorial
Assassination in Pakistan - Washington Post editorial
After Benazir Bhutto - New York Times editorial
The Nightmare ScenarioLondon Times editorial
Pakistan's Perilous Path - Washington Times editorial
Benazir Bhutto - Washington Times editorial
Democracy Assassinated - Boston Globe editorial
Murder and Politics - Baltimore Sun editorial
Assassination Steals key to U.S. Strategy - USA Today editorial
Death in RawalpindiGuardian editorial
The Assassination of Benazir Bhutto - Philadelphia Inquirer editorial
Bhutto's Legacy - San Francisco Chronicle editorial
Bhutto’s Death Hardliner Victory – Con Coughlin, London Daily Telegraph
After Bhutto - National Review roundtable
Blow to U.S. Goal for Pakistan – Wright and Kessler, Washington Post
Assassination Shatters Hopes for Stability - Paul Richter, Los Angeles Times
Where Bhutto's Death Leaves U.S. - Thompson and Bennett, Time
Death Deals Blow to U.S. - Matthew Lee, Associated Press
Making a Martyr of Bhutto - Aryn Baker, Time
Can Democracy Survive? - Bronwen Maddox, London Times
Pakistan's Bloody Curse - Saeed Shah, Globe and Mail
In the Mist of Benazir Bhutto - Deborah Simmons, Washington Times
Pakistan Civil War? - Wilkinson, Edwards and Blair, London Daily Telegraph
Bhutto Killing Inflames Pakistan - Wonacott and Solomon, Wall Street Journal
Civil War Feared - Zahid Hussain, London Times
Lived in Eye of Storm - Perlez and Burnett, New York Times
Pakistan at an Uncertain Hour - Teresita Schaffer, Washington Post
Salvaging U.S. Diplomacy - Cooper and Meyers, New York Times
The Queen is Dead, Long Live the Cause – Ben Macintyre, London Times
Bhutto and Democracy – Michael Hirsh, Newsweek
Benazir Bhutto - Andrew McCarthy, National Review
Benazir Bhutto – Max Boot, Commentary
Benazir Bhutto: Headlong – David Ignatius, Washington Post
Supping with the Terrorist Devils - Ramesh Thakur, Ottawa Citizen
Democracy Sidetracked Again - Brian Katulis, Baltimore Sun
Not All are Mourning Bhutto - Tristan Mabry, Philadelphia Inquirer
Musharraf’s Political Future Appears Troubled - David Rhode, New York Times
Roots of Conflict - Eric Carvin, Associated Press
Who Did It? – Jason Burke, Guardian
When an Assassin Succeeds - Rich Lowry, Real Clear Politics
Many Had the Desire, Means to Kill Bhutto - Warrick and Ricks, Washington Post
Main Suspects are Warlords and Security Forces - Jeremy Page, London Times
In the Arms of Extremists - Raheel Raza, Ottawa Citizen
Daughter of Destiny – Christopher Hitchens, Slate
More Peril for Pakistan? - Kim Barker, Chicago Tribune
The Benazir I Knew - Mansoor Ijaz, Christian Science Monitor
The Benazir I Knew - Amy Wilentz, Los Angeles Times
Coming of Age in the Benazir Bhutto Era - Huma Yusuf, Boston Globe
The Traditional Rebel - Molly Moore, Washington Post
Weathered Political Storm - John Burns, New York Times
The Dangerous Void Left Behind – Ahmed Rashid, Washington Post
Benazir Bhutto – Mark Steyn, National Review
Aristocrat Who Championed Democracy - Henry Chu, Los Angeles Times
Grief, Anger After a Voice is Stilled - Trudy Rubin, Philadelphia Inquirer
Bhutto Killing Rocks ‘08 Trail – Allen, Martin and Smith, Politico

Snuffysmith
Pak Govt Reveals How Benazir Was Killed

By IBNlive.com

Mystery shrouds the death of former Pakistan prime minister Benazir Bhutto. In an explosive revelation, Pakistan's Interior Minister Hamid Nawaz on Friday said that Bhutto did not die of bullet wounds. Continue

Police Abandoned Security Posts Before Bhutto Assassination

By Nick Juliano

No autopsy performed on body; docs say bullet wounds not found. Continue

In Memory of Benazir Bhutto

Cut U.S. Ties to Musharraf

By Medea Benjamin

Musharraf's use of US funds to crack down on the country's democratic forces has led to growing anti-American sentiments among the nation's moderate, secular forces. The U.S. government should withhold assistance until Musharraf steps down and a caretaker government restores the independent judiciary, lifts restrictions on the press and sets up the conditions for fair elections. Continue

In Case You Missed It

Aunt Benazir's false promises

By Fatima Bhutto

The Islamists are waiting at the gate. They have been waiting for confirmation that the reforms for which the Pakistani people have been struggling have been a farce, propped up by the White House. Since Musharraf seized power in 1999, there has been an earnest grass-roots movement for democratic reform. The last thing we need is to be tied to a neocon agenda through a puppet "democrat" like Ms. Bhutto.
Continue

Snuffysmith

Pakistan & A Bomb Too Far

By Aaron Mannes


Less than a week before the assassination of former Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, there had been another bloody assassination attempt in Pakistan - both could represent turning points in Pakistan’s ongoing struggle with Islamist violence.

In northwest Pakistan a suicide bomber detonated his bomb inside a crowded mosque on Eid al-Adha (the Islamic Feast of Sacrifice which marks the end of the annual hajj.) The attack was an attempt to kill former Interior Minister Aftab Ahmed Khan Sherpao. Forty-eight people were killed and over 100 were wounded, including Sherpao's son and two grandnephews. Sherpao was unharmed.

This was the second attempt on Sherpao’s life in eight months, the previous attempt at a political rally in nearby Charsadda, 28 were killed and Sherpao was slightly wounded.

That Islamists would attack Sherpao is unsurprising. As Interior Minister he was a top security official and a key player in the Lal Masjid Mosque crackdown that has sparked the present high levels of violence. But for an Islamist to enter a mosque on a major holiday and murder innocent worshipers should be beyond the pale - even for radical Islamists.

Read the complete post here.

December 28, 2007 04:37 PM Link
Snuffysmith
Musharraf’s MomentLondon Times editorial
The Pakistan TestWashington Post editorial
Pakistan Elections Must Go AheadLondon Daily Telegraph editorial
World Plunged Deeper into ChaosThe Australian editorial
From Benazir into the UnknownSidney Morning Herald editorial
Beyond BenazirLos Angeles Times editorial
Bhutto Risked All for DemocracyToronto Star editorial
Death Kills Best Chance for Democracy - New Zealand Herald editorial
Pakistan’s Bitter Political HarvestCanberra Times editorial
Murder and PoliticsBaltimore Sun editorial
Pakistan Must Stay Course to DemocracyThe Independent editorial
Pakistan’s Perilous PathWashington Times editorial
Foe of Extremists Pays Ultimate PriceMiami Herald editorial
Assassination of Benazir Bhutto - Philadelphia Inquirer editorial
Pakistan's Predicament - New York Post editorial
Pakistan on the BrinkOttawa Citizen editorial
Pakistan’s Best Chance – Chamberlin and Weinbaum, Washington Post
Pakistan: After the Shock – Greg Sheridan, The Australian
Bloody Reflections on the Dynasties – Graham Stewart, London Times
Tragedy Born of Despotism and Anarchy – Tariq Ali, Guardian
Apocalypse? Mmm, Bring it On – Matthew Parris, London Times
Terror's New Theater - Stephen Schwartz, New York Post
Defying Fate Pointless for Bhutto – Amir Taheri, London Times
Setback for the War on Terror – Haroon Siddiqui, Toronto Star
All Eyes on Musharraf – Simon Tisdall, Guardian
Bhutto's Bravery - Rich Lowry, New York Post
Terrorism Strikes Heart of Pakistan's Democracy - Irfan Yusuf, New Zealand Herald
Snuffysmith
Pakistan: Into the UnknownLondon Times editorial
Grieving for Benazir – Bernard-Henri Levy, Wall Street Journal
Bush's Best-laid Plans - Andrew Bacevich, Los Angeles Times
Pakistan's Blood-stained Democracy - William Buckley, Real Clear Politics
Bhutto's Destiny - Benazir Bhutto, New York Post
Pakistan May Not Make It – Peter Galbraith, Washington Post
Pakistan Won't See the Danger - Trudy Rubin, Philadelphia Inquirer
Unfortunate Allies - Lisa Schiffren, National Review
How a ‘Wisp of a Girl’ Conquered Pakistan? – Mohammed Hanif, New York Times
As PM, Bhutto Did Little – Jemima Khan, London Daily Telegraph
Pakistan an al-Qaeda Target Now - Trudy Rubin, Miami Herald
Assassin Killed West’s Foreign Policy Too – Michael Portillo, London Times
Climax of a Grim Year in Pakistan – Claude Salhani, Washington Times
Saving Pakistan From Itself - Adil Najam, New York Daily News
Pakistan Politics Played Out in Britain – Matthew d’Acona, London Daily Telegraph
Snuffysmith
Pakistan's Peril
By: Jacob Laksin
Benazir Bhutto died believing that democracy could defeat terrorism in Pakistan. More>

A Nuclear-Armed Jihadist State?
By: Robert Spencer
What Bhutto’s murder might yield. More>

With Bhutto Gone. . .
By: Jamie Glazov
Terror expert Steve Schippert illuminates the dangers that loom in the post-Bhutto era. More>
Snuffysmith
Demagoging Pakistan's Crisis - Washington Times editorial
Pakistan: A Monster Unleashed - Ottawa Citizen editorial
Pakistan: On America's Watch - Roger Cohen, New York Times
What about Pakistan’s Nukes? – Graham Allison, Newsweek
Musharraf, Army Should Step Aside Now – William Maley, The Australian
Can Musharraf Survive? – Ron Moreau, Newsweek
Reform Pakistan’s Only Hope – Chamberlain and Weinbaum, Sydney Morning Herald
Pakistan’s Political Void – Kevin Whitelaw, U.S. News and World Report
Pakistan in a Vortex - Arnaud de Borchgrave, Washington Times
What Bhutto Was Worried About - Robert Novak, Washington Post
Why Mrs. Bhutto Had to Die - Walid Phares, Washington Times
Bhutto of Greater Use as Martyr – Ralph Peters, The Australian
U.S. Failed Benazir Bhutto - John Nichols, Toronto Star
Pakistan Deserves Better - Tariq Ali, The Independent
Good May Emerge from Pakistan Disaster – Paul Sheehan, Sydney Morning Herald
Pakistan: Long-term Instability? - Christine Fair, Washington Times
Daughter of Destiny Becomes a Martyr - Clarence Page, Chicago Tribune
Born to Rule, Not Just in Pakistan - Yasmin Alibhai-Brown, The Independent
Snuffysmith

The Jihadi preemptive strike against Bhutto's war of ideas

By Walid Phares


Former Pakistani Prime Minster Benazir Bhutto was murdered because of herpotential actions in Pakistan, by the combined forces of jihadism in that country. In short, they executed her to pre-empt her future war of ideas. This was the bottom line and here is why.

The long-term plan of the Taliban and al Qaeda in Afghanistan during the 1990s was to eventually spread to Pakistan and seize power, and, ultimately after 1999, to seize the nukes, too. Miscalculating on September 11, Osama bin Laden lost Kabul and the jihadi war room crossed into their eastern neighbor. Plan B was then to seize Waziristan and gradually Talibanize the country, grabbing the "doomsday" devices in the end. For the last seven years, the jihadi hydra protected by the fundamentalist tribes, hooking up with the local Islamist movements and with tentacles deep inside the defense and intelligence apparatus, attempted to spread in that direction. President Pervez Musharraf, unable to determine the extent of radical influence in his own services, moved slowly and reluctantly on the containment strategies. This lost time resulted in several assassination attempts and allowed a widening of the jihadi networks in the country. Reacting to the breach of national security, he tightened the rope on the opposition, frustrating his secular opponents and alienating the nation's Supreme Court.

The descent into generalized violence was spiraling out of his government's control and working to al Qaeda's satisfaction. Both bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahiri, as well as Taliban leader Mullah Omar, acting as jihadi supreme rulers of the country, pressed on with calls for assassination and fatwas for regime change. By 2006, Mr. Musharraf was fighting on two fronts: taking on the jihadi forces, including the homegrown ones on the one hand; and dealing with the pressures from his secular opposition on the other hand. From early 2007, as Taliban operatives based in enclaves in the border areas continued to strike inside Afghanistan, al Qaeda's messages beaming out of Pakistan and violence were unrestrained. The United States pressed Mr. Musharraf to change direction.

Read More »


The advice from Washington (which was endorsed by the West and not opposed by moderate Muslim countries) urged the general (who was also serving as president) to: 1) open up to the opposition and allow the exiles to come back to the country, despite sour past relations; 2) hold general elections and welcome a new democratically elected cabinet; 3) relinquish his command of the armed forces if elected president; and 4) launch an all-out military campaign against Pakistan's Taliban.

Reading the map accurately, Mr. Musharraf heeded almost all suggestions. He allowed former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto to return and head her large party, although he made it more difficult for her colleague, Nawaz Sharif — Mr. Musharraf's direct political enemy — to proceed as swiftly in his return to the political scene. Mr. Musharraf announced a general legislative election slated initially for next month. He was re-elected as president by the current legislature and resigned from the top military office. And last but not least, he indeed sent several divisions to the frontier valleys to battle the terrorists on their own turf. But by changing direction, he opened a Pandora's box for his government and for the political process he freed.

Former political enemies weren't smooth on reconciling: While Mrs. Bhutto began negotiating with Mr. Musharraf, demanding a purge in the military, Mr. Sharif called for Mr. Musharraf's resignation. In addition, the president of the high court refused to recognize the general's election as president. These turbulences triggered frustrations among the military as it was marching to confront the most lethal enemy in the North-West region. And taking advantage of this dizzying political storm, the jihadi forces launched their urban offensive culminating with the suicidal Red Mosque intifada in Islamabad in the summer. And as Mr. Musharraf was steering the wheels toward political reconfiguration, terror attacks targeted various cities as well as military personnel across the country.

But the return of Mrs. Bhutto to Pakistan sent a positive message to the public and a negative one to the radical Islamists. The daughter of a prominent leader, a member of a political family, a former prime minister in her own right — and, above all, a liberal Muslim woman — Mrs. Bhutto projected the possibility of a leap toward more balanced politics and greater steps toward pluralism — two ingredients for progress toward democracy. Her dialogue with Mr. Musharraf made possible the return of Mr. Sharif and the global march to new elections. The bickering politicians didn't let go of their sour feelings toward each other, but the political process was about to gradually return to the country.

The prospect of the January elections would be good for all parties. The president would be proving that his institutions are solidly democratic, thus legitimizing his own office. The opposition would gain the seats it needed to access the cabinet or become powerbrokers at the assembly. Mrs. Bhutto's Pakistan Peoples Party was projected to be the largest bloc, and through a coalition in parliament, she was to become the next prime minister of this powerful Muslim country. That is precisely why she was murdered.

Indeed, the greatest losers in the upcoming elections, and in any democratic elections mobilizing large and experienced secular forces, would be the Islamists. Their six-party coalition achieved legislative power because of the absence of the secular and democratic forces. Now that Mr. Musharraf isn't in love with the jihadi forces anymore, several assassination attempts later; and after the seculars saw with their naked eyes what the fundamentalists were preparing for the country, the slice of Islamist vote was projected to shrink.

Mrs. Bhutto was the reason for this future political defeat. But beyond these political considerations, it was a war of ideas that the Taliban and their ilk feared the most. It is one thing for the radicals to measure themselves in comparison with the military's authoritarianism. But it is another thing to be blasted ideologically by a woman who would dominate Pakistan's politics. By jihadi standards it was unbearable to see Lady Benazir seizing the premiership of the executive power. A staunch modernist and a genuine Muslim, she would have been their worst nightmare. With her in power, forget about the Talibanization: There would be no suppression of women and no brutalization of minorities. There would be fierce empowerment of civil society. This is why the combined "war room" of al Qaeda, the neo-Taliban and the Pakistani jihadists decided to eliminate her.

In October, Baitullah Mehsud, a Taliban commander in South Waziristan, threatened to kill Mrs. Bhutto upon her return. Mrs. Bhutto was aware of the Taliban and al Qaeda threats but dismissed them. Ata press conference in Dubai in NovemberMrs. Bhutto said "she did not fear 'militants and extremists,' acknowledging that Afghan and Arab militants as well as those of the Red Mosque had threatened her," Dawn TVreported. "She said that threats to her life had been whipped up to 'intimidate me and the people of Pakistan.' " She added, "I don't believe that a true Muslim will attack me. I believe Islam forbids suicide bombings." But the jihadists had previous tried to assassinate her in a prior bombing as she returned to Pakistan in October.

Since then, as she criticized Mr. Musharraf for his political failures, the state of emergency and her house arrest, Mrs. Bhutto nevertheless relentlessly attacked the "radical Islamists," whom she accused of terror and oppression. In those days between the first attempt and her slaughter on Thursday, Mrs. Bhutto acted as the single most influential, courageous and symbolic female leader in the Muslim world. She was waging a war of ideas on her own in the most dangerous jihadi environment on the planet. Had she survived to win the legislative elections, she would have become the most efficient Muslim prime minister in the war against the terrorists.

Benazir Bhutto was stepping into a hornets' nest with her face uncovered. She was executed by the Taliban in a manner that was almost frighteningly reminiscent of the massacre of Afghan women who refused to wear the burka. Now it is up to her party, her followers and her allies to pick up the struggle from where she fell and move forward with her legacy. They need to focus on the greater goal of salvaging democracy by uniting their efforts with the president to hold these elections against all odds, even at a different date, and to back their national army in a global effort to defeat the terrorists.

Pakistan is crossing a dangerous path, but the security stakes are the highest in the world, obviously because of the nuclear weapons. The assassination of Mrs. Bhutto has also another apocalyptic dimension. Since November 2001, bin Laden has revealed that the ultimate goal of al Qaeda is to claim what "is theirs," i.e. the atomic power of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. Many jihadi leaders have since asserted the duty to equip the caliphate to come with the most powerful armaments in the world. The gradual advance of the Taliban into their eastern neighbor is aimed at reaching those nukes: Either they would infiltrate the intelligence agencies and the army or they would take advantage of chaos and collapse. The attempts to kill Mr. Musharraf and the assassination of Mrs. Bhutto converge into one thread, a maximum violence leading to a coup d'etat by their supporters inside the military. Once the cataclysmic scenario was achieved, the rest is left to dark imagination.

Armed with such devastating power, the suicidal jihadists will have an open field for their missiles, which could target India and the U.S. presence in the region, as well as Europe and the Russian hinterland. Eventually even China would be at their mercy. The alibis are endless as long as there are "infidels" to confront. Hence the world after such a day cannot function peacefully. Because of such an intolerable possibility, Washington, Brussels, Moscow, New Delhi and Beijing, as we speak, should be readying the world for such threats.

*********

Walid Phares is director of the Future Terrorism Project at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies and a visiting scholar at the European Foundation for Democracy.

« Close It

January 1, 2008 12:29 AM Link
Snuffysmith

+ Analysis: Avoiding martial law in Pakistan
Washington (UPI) Dec 31, 2007 - Soon after former Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto's assassination, the Bush administration launched a concerted effort to ensure that Pakistan does not revert to yet another martial law. "We urge them to honor Benazir Bhutto's memory by continuing with the democratic process for which she so bravely gave her life," said President Bush hours after Bhutto's death Thursday. ... more


+ Analysis: Military slew Bhutto -- sources
Washington (UPI) Dec 31, 2007 - Benazir Bhutto was assassinated on orders of lower- and middle-level officers of the Pakistani army and air force, according to various intelligence sources, including members of India's counterintelligence service. According to a source who asked to remain unnamed, members of the Pakistani armed forces involved in Thursday's killing of the former prime minister and leader of the opposi ... more


+ Atlantic Eye: Pakistan's drop to the abyss
Malmo, Sweden (UPI) Dec 31, 2007 - "Musharraf will bring us to the brink," Pakistan's Ambassador Asif Ezdi said to me privately in Berlin in December 2002. I looked doubtfully at Ezdi. It was a year after Sept. 11; Musharraf was an ally of the United States. I did not recognize how prescient Ezdi's words would be. Five years ago I hosted a good-bye dinner in Berlin's venerable Brandenburger Hof for the dean of the Diplo ... more
Snuffysmith

Bhutto's Blood Is on Bush's Hands

Shahid Buttar, AlterNet

ForeignPolicy: The complicity of the U.S. in Pakistan's violence should alarm all observers.
Snuffysmith

The Jihadi preemptive strike against Bhutto's war of ideas

By Walid Phares


Former Pakistani Prime Minster Benazir Bhutto was murdered because of herpotential actions in Pakistan, by the combined forces of jihadism in that country. In short, they executed her to pre-empt her future war of ideas. This was the bottom line and here is why.

The long-term plan of the Taliban and al Qaeda in Afghanistan during the 1990s was to eventually spread to Pakistan and seize power, and, ultimately after 1999, to seize the nukes, too. Miscalculating on September 11, Osama bin Laden lost Kabul and the jihadi war room crossed into their eastern neighbor. Plan B was then to seize Waziristan and gradually Talibanize the country, grabbing the "doomsday" devices in the end. For the last seven years, the jihadi hydra protected by the fundamentalist tribes, hooking up with the local Islamist movements and with tentacles deep inside the defense and intelligence apparatus, attempted to spread in that direction. President Pervez Musharraf, unable to determine the extent of radical influence in his own services, moved slowly and reluctantly on the containment strategies. This lost time resulted in several assassination attempts and allowed a widening of the jihadi networks in the country. Reacting to the breach of national security, he tightened the rope on the opposition, frustrating his secular opponents and alienating the nation's Supreme Court.

The descent into generalized violence was spiraling out of his government's control and working to al Qaeda's satisfaction. Both bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahiri, as well as Taliban leader Mullah Omar, acting as jihadi supreme rulers of the country, pressed on with calls for assassination and fatwas for regime change. By 2006, Mr. Musharraf was fighting on two fronts: taking on the jihadi forces, including the homegrown ones on the one hand; and dealing with the pressures from his secular opposition on the other hand. From early 2007, as Taliban operatives based in enclaves in the border areas continued to strike inside Afghanistan, al Qaeda's messages beaming out of Pakistan and violence were unrestrained. The United States pressed Mr. Musharraf to change direction.

Read More »


The advice from Washington (which was endorsed by the West and not opposed by moderate Muslim countries) urged the general (who was also serving as president) to: 1) open up to the opposition and allow the exiles to come back to the country, despite sour past relations; 2) hold general elections and welcome a new democratically elected cabinet; 3) relinquish his command of the armed forces if elected president; and 4) launch an all-out military campaign against Pakistan's Taliban.

Reading the map accurately, Mr. Musharraf heeded almost all suggestions. He allowed former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto to return and head her large party, although he made it more difficult for her colleague, Nawaz Sharif — Mr. Musharraf's direct political enemy — to proceed as swiftly in his return to the political scene. Mr. Musharraf announced a general legislative election slated initially for next month. He was re-elected as president by the current legislature and resigned from the top military office. And last but not least, he indeed sent several divisions to the frontier valleys to battle the terrorists on their own turf. But by changing direction, he opened a Pandora's box for his government and for the political process he freed.

Former political enemies weren't smooth on reconciling: While Mrs. Bhutto began negotiating with Mr. Musharraf, demanding a purge in the military, Mr. Sharif called for Mr. Musharraf's resignation. In addition, the president of the high court refused to recognize the general's election as president. These turbulences triggered frustrations among the military as it was marching to confront the most lethal enemy in the North-West region. And taking advantage of this dizzying political storm, the jihadi forces launched their urban offensive culminating with the suicidal Red Mosque intifada in Islamabad in the summer. And as Mr. Musharraf was steering the wheels toward political reconfiguration, terror attacks targeted various cities as well as military personnel across the country.

But the return of Mrs. Bhutto to Pakistan sent a positive message to the public and a negative one to the radical Islamists. The daughter of a prominent leader, a member of a political family, a former prime minister in her own right — and, above all, a liberal Muslim woman — Mrs. Bhutto projected the possibility of a leap toward more balanced politics and greater steps toward pluralism — two ingredients for progress toward democracy. Her dialogue with Mr. Musharraf made possible the return of Mr. Sharif and the global march to new elections. The bickering politicians didn't let go of their sour feelings toward each other, but the political process was about to gradually return to the country.

The prospect of the January elections would be good for all parties. The president would be proving that his institutions are solidly democratic, thus legitimizing his own office. The opposition would gain the seats it needed to access the cabinet or become powerbrokers at the assembly. Mrs. Bhutto's Pakistan Peoples Party was projected to be the largest bloc, and through a coalition in parliament, she was to become the next prime minister of this powerful Muslim country. That is precisely why she was murdered.

Indeed, the greatest losers in the upcoming elections, and in any democratic elections mobilizing large and experienced secular forces, would be the Islamists. Their six-party coalition achieved legislative power because of the absence of the secular and democratic forces. Now that Mr. Musharraf isn't in love with the jihadi forces anymore, several assassination attempts later; and after the seculars saw with their naked eyes what the fundamentalists were preparing for the country, the slice of Islamist vote was projected to shrink.

Mrs. Bhutto was the reason for this future political defeat. But beyond these political considerations, it was a war of ideas that the Taliban and their ilk feared the most. It is one thing for the radicals to measure themselves in comparison with the military's authoritarianism. But it is another thing to be blasted ideologically by a woman who would dominate Pakistan's politics. By jihadi standards it was unbearable to see Lady Benazir seizing the premiership of the executive power. A staunch modernist and a genuine Muslim, she would have been their worst nightmare. With her in power, forget about the Talibanization: There would be no suppression of women and no brutalization of minorities. There would be fierce empowerment of civil society. This is why the combined "war room" of al Qaeda, the neo-Taliban and the Pakistani jihadists decided to eliminate her.

In October, Baitullah Mehsud, a Taliban commander in South Waziristan, threatened to kill Mrs. Bhutto upon her return. Mrs. Bhutto was aware of the Taliban and al Qaeda threats but dismissed them. Ata press conference in Dubai in NovemberMrs. Bhutto said "she did not fear 'militants and extremists,' acknowledging that Afghan and Arab militants as well as those of the Red Mosque had threatened her," Dawn TVreported. "She said that threats to her life had been whipped up to 'intimidate me and the people of Pakistan.' " She added, "I don't believe that a true Muslim will attack me. I believe Islam forbids suicide bombings." But the jihadists had previous tried to assassinate her in a prior bombing as she returned to Pakistan in October.

Since then, as she criticized Mr. Musharraf for his political failures, the state of emergency and her house arrest, Mrs. Bhutto